| SUBJECT: The Rule on ‘Check and Balance’ and the Power of the Purse |
I. Introduction
This memorandum provides an exhaustive analysis of the rule on check and balance as it pertains to the power of the purse under Philippine constitutional law. The power of the purse, fundamentally the authority to generate and allocate public funds, is a critical mechanism through which the principle of separation of powers is operationalized and the system of checks and balances is enforced. This research will trace the constitutional foundations, doctrinal interpretations, and practical applications of this power, focusing on the dynamic between the Congress (the holder of the primary power of the purse) and the Executive Department (the implementor of the budget). The analysis will also consider the role of the Judicial Department in adjudicating disputes arising from this interplay, thereby completing the tripartite check.
II. Constitutional Foundations
The 1987 Constitution explicitly vests the power of the purse in Congress. This is enshrined in several key provisions:
Article VI, Section 24: “All appropriation, revenue or tariff bills, bills authorizing increase of the public debt, bills of local application, and private bills shall originate exclusively in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments.” This establishes the House* as the primary chamber for fiscal matters.
Article VI, Section 25: This extensive section details the General Appropriations Act (GAA) process. It mandates that no money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation made by law. It prohibits the enactment of a ridder unrelated to the subject of the appropriation bill and sets rules for special appropriations and the Congressional Pork Barrel (which is now unconstitutional as per the PDAF and DAP* rulings).
Article VI, Section 29: “No money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation* made by law.” This is the cardinal rule underpinning the entire system.
Article VII, Section 22: Grants the President the power to veto any particular item or items in an appropriation, revenue, or tariff bill. This is the Executive’s primary constitutional tool to check Congressional* spending priorities.
These provisions collectively ensure that the Executive Department cannot spend public funds without the prior consent and authorization of the Legislative Department, making Congress the most potent branch in fiscal governance.
III. The Power of the Purse as a Check on the Executive
Congress exercises its power of the purse as a check on the Executive in several concrete ways:
IV. Executive Counter-Checks and the Power of the Purse
The Executive is not passive in this dynamic. It possesses significant powers to balance Congressional control:
V. Judicial Review: The Judiciary as Arbiter
The Judicial Department serves as the ultimate arbiter in disputes concerning the power of the purse, completing the check and balance system. The Supreme Court exercises its power of judicial review to:
Determine the constitutionality of appropriation laws and riders (e.g., declaring the PDAF and certain aspects of the DAP unconstitutional in Araullo v. Aquino III*).
Interpret the scope and limits of the item veto* power.
Define the permissible boundaries of Executive* impoundment and fund realignment.
Settle conflicts between Congress and the Executive* regarding the proper exercise of their respective fiscal powers, ensuring neither branch usurps the core function of the other.
VI. Key Doctrines and Jurisprudential Landmarks
VII. Comparative Analysis: Philippine Model vs. U.S. Model
The Philippine system is heavily modeled on the U.S. system, but with distinct nuances born from its constitutional text and jurisprudence.
| Aspect of the Power of the Purse | Philippine Model (1987 Constitution) | United States Model (U.S. Constitution) |
|---|---|---|
| Origination Clause | Appropriation, revenue, and tariff bills originate exclusively in the House of Representatives (Art. VI, Sec. 24). | All bills for raising revenue originate in the House of Representatives; the Senate may propose/concur with amendments (Art. I, Sec. 7). |
| Executive Veto | President has the power to veto any particular item or items in an appropriation, revenue, or tariff bill (item veto) (Art. VII, Sec. 22). | The President may veto an entire bill, but lacks a constitutional line-item veto. Attempts through legislation (e.g., Line Item Veto Act of 1996) were declared unconstitutional (Clinton v. City of New York). |
| Treatment of Savings & Augmentation | Strictly regulated. Augmentation is allowed only for existing items in the GAA from savings generated within the same branch (Araullo v. Aquino III). | More flexible, governed by statutory impoundment control acts (e.g., ICA of 1974). The President can propose to rescind funds, but Congress must approve within a period. |
| Judicial Role | Active and interventionist in defining boundaries, especially post-DAP ruling. The Supreme Court asserts a strong role in policing separation of powers in fiscal matters. | Historically more deferential to political branches, but will intervene on constitutional grounds (e.g., INS v. Chadha on legislative veto). |
| Notable Limitation | Explicit constitutional prohibition on riders and on post-enactment Congressional involvement in execution (Art. VI, Sec. 25(2),(3)). | Riders are common. The anti-deficiency act and impoundment controls are statutory, not constitutional. |
VIII. Contemporary Issues and Challenges
IX. Conclusion
The rule on check and balance finds one of its most potent expressions in the power of the purse. The Philippine constitutional design deliberately fragments this power to prevent its abuse. While Congress holds the primary authority to authorize spending, the Executive checks this through the veto and controls implementation. The Judiciary, in turn, checks both by defining the outer limits of their authority. This intricate system, while creating friction, is essential for ensuring fiscal responsibility, legislative supremacy in policy-setting, and Executive accountability. The evolving jurisprudence, particularly from the Araullo case, continues to refine this balance, emphasizing that the core power of the purse is a non-delegable, essentially legislative function.


